Two protests, two elections: How Nepal’s Gen Z succeeded where Bangladesh’s stumbled

Two protests, two elections: How Nepal’s Gen Z succeeded where Bangladesh’s stumbled

In the past month, Nepal’s new prime minister, Balendra Shah, was sworn in alongside a parliament filled with young lawmakers. From a distance, Bangladeshi activist Umama Fatema felt a wave of disappointment, watching the developments unfold. Fatema was among the thousands of Gen Z protesters in Bangladesh who took to the streets in 2024. Like their Nepalese counterparts, they toppled their government through intense demonstrations. Yet, nearly two years later, Bangladesh’s youth movement has not translated into significant political influence. In the country’s first post-protest elections held in February, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) secured a historic majority, while the new youth-led National Citizens’ Party (NCP)—born from the student-led revolution—struggled to gain traction.

Nepal, however, offered a stark contrast. Just a month after the February elections, the four-year-old Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) emerged victorious in a landslide. This win sent a wave of Gen Z politicians into parliament and placed former rapper Shah at the helm of the nation, following his alliance with the RSP. It stands as a rare example in Asia, where many Gen Z-led protests have occurred but few have led to such a clear shift in power.

“Personally, I felt disheartened. When I saw how effectively [the Nepalese youth] were able to organise themselves, I could not help but feel disappointed about the situation in our own country,” said Fatema. “Bangladesh has not been able to deliver such a change… it is naturally disheartening to realise that we have not been able to organise and rebuild our country in the same way.”

Analysts suggest the difference lies in Nepal’s political setup and the strategic choices made by the youth movement. The country’s electoral system, which favors coalition governments, has long prevented any single party from holding power by majority. Over 17 years, Nepal saw 14 governments, with a few established parties and politicians alternating in leadership, often criticized as a cycle of political instability.

Gen Z protests in Nepal tapped into widespread frustration with governance, according to KP Khanal, a RSP candidate who won a seat in Kailali district. “The sacrifices and voices of Gen Z stayed with the public—they haven’t been forgotten,” he explained. “Consistency was also a key factor. We kept raising our voices around accountability and justice, over and over, and gradually that message reached far and wide. It stopped being just a reaction [to the status quo] and started to feel like a genuine, credible movement people believed in.”

Nitasha Kaul, director of the Centre for the Study of Democracy at the University of Westminster, highlighted the role of discredited traditional parties. “Since all three established parties, none dominant, were discredited, the main beneficiary has been the youthful RSP and its leader,” she noted. The RSP’s alliance with Shah, a charismatic leader with no formal party structure, helped overcome internal controversies. Shah’s personal appeal drew voters, while the RSP provided the organisational framework needed for a successful campaign.

Ammish Mulmi, a Nepalese political analyst, pointed to the broader South Asian context. “In a region where party organisation is crucial, a youth-led party would likely need to build an extensive structure before achieving widespread success, especially in its first election,” he said. This insight resonated with Purushottam Suprabhat Yadav, a youth activist who initially hesitated to join the RSP. “Winning an election is not a joke. Organising a movement and emerging victorious in an election are two different things,” Yadav remarked, underscoring the challenges of translating protest energy into electoral dominance.

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